Despite being surrounded by Slavic neighbours, Romania and Moldova are the only countries in Eastern Europe with a Latin-based language, Romanian. While sharing similarities with French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese, the language has its roots in the year 106 AD, when the Romans conquered then-Dacia. It is set apart from other Romance languages by its Greek and Slavic loan words, the latter of which probably originated with Slavs who migrated across the Danube in the fifth and sixth centuries, as the Roman Empire fell. The precise formation process of the language is still largely unknown, as are details of exactly how the country preserved its Latin heritage.

Culturally, Romania was influenced by three distinct movements. First, the Austrian, German and French ages of Enlightenment led to the focus of the ‘Transylvanian School’ on educating the general population. At that time, the Latin heritage was used to build national identity. Then, German Romanticism became culturally dominant after the 1848 revolutions, which saw peasant culture and the natural world become part of Romanian nationalist visions. Afterwards, French intellectual influence, focused on politics and modernism, encouraged the embrace of Western European traditions.

The formation of a distinctly Romanian identity was a complex process. In the 17th century, elites from Wallachia and Moldavia (the historical regions that make up modern Romania) attempted to counteract Turkish hegemony, and sought Russian and Austrian support. Romanian chroniclers became part of a broader cultural movement, in search of external recognition. They took pride in their Roman origins and used linguistic heritage as an example of unity in the three principalities, with Șerban Cantacuzino, Prince of Wallachia between 1678  and 1688, arguing:  ‘We Romanians are Romans by belief and valour, not only those here [Wallachia], but in Transylvania who are still purer, and the Moldavians, as well as those in other parts who speak the same language.’ This is the first notable representation of Romanian identity, with its Latin-based language taking centre-stage. The 18th century saw an accelerated westernisation of Romanian culture through this language, with intellectuals starting to use words originating from French.

The 19th century found Romanian territory split between empires: the Ottomans ruled over the south, in Wallachia, the Habsburgs in the north-west, in Transylvania, and the Russians in the east, in Moldavia. Through ‘pașoptism’, the literary ideology of participants in the Romanian Revolution of 1848, Romanian elites and intellectuals started promoting a unified national identity, forging a movement anchored in history with patriotism at its centre. The French influence was strong, as most Romanian intellectuals of the time had been educated in Paris. Ultimately, in 1877 and 1878, Romania fought for, and won, its independence.

Later, the Great Union of 1918 and the Treaty of Trianon, signed in June 1920, shaped the country both culturally and geographically by bringing significant territorial gains. The Kingdom of Romania received Transylvania and eastern Banat, as well as Bukovina and Bessarabia, in the aftermath of the First World War. This doubled the territory and population of Romania, while several minorities incorporated into the newly expanded state brought novel cultural influences, especially Hungarians and German-speaking Saxons.

At this time, pro-Western influences shaped Romania’s national identity: Bucharest was referred to as ‘the little Paris’ during the interwar period. These influences were attacked and weakened in the second half of the 20th century by Communism. During this period, the cultural values of the country were destroyed, censorship was established, and the country’s political elites, scholars and intellectuals were repressed.

Meanwhile, the dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu, President from 1974 until his death in 1989, aimed to keep a geopolitical balance between the Soviet Union and China. At times, it seemed like his support for China was more intense, such as in 1986, when he opposed the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia. Romania was the only Warsaw Pact country that did not participate in the invasion.

Romania gradually increased its autonomy and pursued its interests through a unique foreign policy despite its Warsaw Pact membership. After the collapse of Communism in 1989, the country’s leadership was marked by anti-intellectualism, anti-Occidentalism and anti-pluralism. Meanwhile, some elites attempted to keep close ties to Russia and China, especially hoping to attract investment from the latter.

Throughout history, Romanian territory has faced invasions by Russia – ‘the natural enemy of Romania’ – 12 times in total. Over time, these historical conflicts came to bear on Romanian strategic thinking, and its post-Cold War commitment to NATO was, among other factors, motivated by a fear of resurgent Russian influence in the old Eastern Bloc. Since joining NATO and the European Union in 2004 and 2007 respectively, Romania has experienced a dramatic shift, becoming an increasingly self-confident member of the EU, with new generations looking west.

Romania still has Slavic influences in its culture and language; although, these are likely to have their roots in Serbian and Bulgarian, rather than Russian, since the Slavs who came to the area that is now Romania were almost certainly from south of the Balkan mountain range.

Ironically, contemporary politicians often portray Romania’s Mediterranean heritage in negative terms. Nicușor Dan, the former mayor of Bucharest and current president, urged Romanians before the 2020 elections to vote rationally, despite being a ‘Latin’ people who, according to him, are ruled by their emotions. His comments stand in marked contrast to Prince Cantacuzino’s pride in Romania’s Latin heritage and his use of it to mobilise a sense of proto-Romanian identity.

Furthermore, within NATO, a 2021 analysis found: ‘Romania sees itself as a reliable ally that bears its share of the burden’ – for instance, through increasing military spending to over two per cent of GDP. Russia’s ‘aggressive behaviour’ and ‘actions to militarise the Black Sea region’ are perceived as the main threats to security, as per the Romanian National Defence Strategy. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, NATO’s presence in Romania has increased, as has the Romanian defence budget. A military modernisation programme was also launched.

Nevertheless, a far-right threat still looms, one which displays pro-Russian characteristics. The Romanian attitude towards NATO seems to be mostly influenced by historical events and security concerns rather than its Latin distinctiveness. History might also explain some of the fears that prevail in the country: for example, a fear of abandonment by NATO Allies prevails. That can be linked to the aftermath of the Second World War and the subsequent rise of Communism.

Romania, however, has historically looked to the West. In the past, it asked for support to oppose the Ottoman Empire, used its Latin heritage to pursue a unification agenda, and took inspiration from the French Enlightenment. This geopolitical alignment with the West and the country’s geographical position, including its access to the Black Sea, make Romania a key strategic NATO ally in a fragile, contested Europe.